The influence of maps and plans created in the 1620s in the Netherlands on the development of military concepts in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth 1

The article analyses the impact of maps and plans for military operations in the Netherlands in the 1620s on the modernisation and reform of the art of war in the Republic of Poland. The analysis showed that the source of tactical, operational and strategic knowledge were cartographic sources that reached the lands of the Republic. They were most often brought by people who left the Crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania to the West for education and work and then returned to their homeland. It was established that a typical magnate returning from the journey brought between a dozen and a few dozen or so engravings and his own drawings of the sieges and fortification plan s. A common form was to provide maps for correspondence. Cartographic sources were supposed to help evaluate the military actions taken and allow the recipients to “keep an eye on” European conflict s.

Sweden between 1621-1622 and 1625-1629 should give rise to the creation of numerous engravings or the dissemination of manuscript maps and plans. 8 The extremely modest cartographic output of military engineers in this decade is all the stranger when we compare it with the 1630s. Many excellent works were created at that time, and in 1636, in Gdańsk, Wilhelm Hondius published probably the most monumental engraving concerning the military of the Polish nobility. In the literature on the subject, Stanisław Alexandrowicz assessed the changes taking place when writing: "the true turnover occurred in the military cartography of Poland and Lithuania only at the beginning of the reign of Władysław IV Waza". 9 In this text, I show that the military elite of the Republic of Poland was following closely all the changes taking place in the field of manoeuvring, tactics and military engineering. The 1620s were crucial as the Lithuanian and Polish armies came into contact with the modern Swedish army. As a result, it was necessary to adapt to the new way of conducting warfare. 10 Drawings or engravings showing the plans of the Dutch occupations were an important way of acquiring this knowledge. The information obtained formed the basis for the process of modernization in the field of old Polish military during the reign of Władysław IV Waza. 11 drawing from this period is the plan of the Battle of Chocim of 1621, which was published in print by Giacomo Lauro in 1624: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Stamp. Barb. X.I.80, fol. 23r. 8 At the same time, the Swedes attached great importance to the mapping of the area of the Crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which were in the area of warfare. K. Łopatecki, Prace kartograficzne wykonane na ziemiach Rzeczypospolitej przez szwedzkich inżynierów wojskowych w XVII wieku, "Studia i Materiały do Historii Wojskowości" 2009, no. 46, pp. 59-68. 9 It is, consisting of 16 boards plan of the  Dawnych,Archiwum Radziwiłłów,dz. IV,sygn. 1a,k. 217. "About a field battle and thoughts [Gustav II Adolf -K.Ł.] yes he wanted her effugere where the densest forests, where the top mud, where the impassable rivers, there he hosts and positions himself, and the Dutch mode he leased all his hope in the coppery and planted his rifle". 11 Obviously, the territory of the United Provinces and Belgium was not within the sphere of influence of the Republic. Thus, the acquired maps and plans were not used for intelligence The specificity of the development of the sixteenth-century Crown military was based on the domination of cavalry, which was needed to fight the Tartar invasions on the south-eastern borders of the Republic. 12 As a result, this has led to clear differences in military development in comparison with trends in Western Europe. The Republic of Poland did not pay much attention to the construction and maintenance of fortresses, and army commanders were striving for victory in a typical 'old fashioned' battle. 13 In Western Europe, the key role was to build and modernize fortresses and protect them from the hands of the enemy. In the face of dynamically developing defensive forces -the development of bastion fortifications 14 -the aim was to completely cut off the defenders from supplies by creating lines of contravallation and circumvallation. 15 The main breakthrough turned out to be the siege of Geertruidenberg in 1593, where Maurycy of Orange focused great attention on the construction of a contravallation and cutting off any access purposes and strategic concepts. For this purpose, ambassadors and spies obtained numerous maps of sieges, battles and city plans both in manuscript and printed engravings, and then sent them to headquarters. P. Barber, "Procure as many as you can and send them over." Cartographic Espionage and Cartographic Gifts in International Relations, 1460-1760, in: Diplomacy and Early Modern Culture, eds. R. Adams, R. Cox, Basingstoke 2011 The Crown began to maintain permanent field troops organized around the so-called colloquial defense, which in the years 1548-1557 numbered from 1000 to 3000 soldiers driving. Then a "quarterback" army was created, paid from a special military treasury based on a fifth of the royal revenue. M. Plewczyński, Żołnierz jazdy obrony potocznej za czasów Zygmunta Augusta. Studia nad zawodem wojskowym w XVI w. Warszawa 1985, pp. 61 (Table 8), 63. 13 B. Dybaś, Fortece Rzeczypospolitej. Studium z dziejów budowy fortyfikacji stałych w państwie polsko-litewskim w XVII wieku, Toruń 1998. In the book, the author points out that in the Republic of Poland no fortresses understood as "large, strongly fortified bastions of the city" developed in the seventeenth century. Instead, there were different types of fortifications used, with very different formal and legal status, which were part of the "partial systems". Ibidem, 14 D. Parrot, The Utility of Fortifications in Early Modern Europe: Italian Princes and Their Citadels, 1540-1640, "War in History" 2000E. Swart, "Qualifications, knowledge and courage"…, pp. 47-70. The development of the fortifications enabled even several hundred garrisons to defend themselves effectively against the many thousands of troops besieging the fortress. M. Kingra, The Trace Italienne and the Military Revolution during the Eighty Years ' War, 1567-1648, "The Journal of Military History" 1993 At the end of the 16th and in the first quarter of the 17th century, the siege art of cutting off defenders from outside help developed mainly in the Netherlands. This was done by means of circulation, i.e. a fortified line directed against the fortress in order to protect against excursions. The siege was coming out of circulation. In addition, a countertable line was built -i.e. defensive fortifications directed outside of the fortress, in order to protect against possible relief. This solution was known as early as in antiquity, but it was used again during the 80-year war. See D.R. Lawrence, The Complete Soldier: Military Books and Military Culture in Early Stuart England, 1603-1645, Leiden 2009 to the city from the coast (Figure 1). 16 As a result, the Spanish crew capitulated after a two-month siege. Willem Lodewijk van Nassau-Dillenburg assessed the contemporary events that the methods and actions of war used at the time went beyond primitive violence, and this siege is a clear example of the use of science and ancient martial techniques, which had been ridiculed by many commanders before. 17 On a wider scale, the appearance of maps and plans published in the form of drawings in Western Europe occured in the 1620s. Of course, the main role is played here by the journey of Prince Władysław Waza with a large magnate and noble procession around Europe in the years 1624-1625. 18 Apart from the educational, tourist and political aspect, it is worth emphasizing its contribution to the material culture. The trip was a very expensive undertaking with the duke himself incurring expenses of 170,000 zloty 19 and 12,000 zloty in Hungary, to which we must add the costs incurred by the magnates accompanying the king. 20 Unfortunately, the bills from the prince's journey have not survived, however, as Juliusz Chrościcki points out, part of this sum was invested into works of art -jewels, medals, portraits. During the trip, contracts for further huge amounts were also concluded (contracts for 28,215 florins were signed with weavers in Brussels). 21 Undoubtedly, there was a fraction of this sum allocated for the purchase of works on military themes -books and engravings. There was also an excellent opportunity for this -the prince's visit to the Spanish army besieging Breda at the end of September 1624. 22 The official, solemn meeting of Władysław Waza with Ambrosio Spinola took place on 26 September in the evening. The main Spanish camp and the system of fortifications were observed very carefully for three days from 27 to 29 September 1624. During these days, the Prince personally went around and watched most of the camps, the blockhouses and the circumvallation and contravallation lines for 12 hours. From the perspective of the Polish and Lithuanian nobility, this journey became part of the canon of foreign educational travels, in which, one of the key elements was to learn about Western European military camps advancement.
A momentous event took place on 28 September, when a war council was convened to discuss further fortification activities. "They also advised the Prince, who when he said his sentence, they approved it and now they threw it there, calling it forte del principe di Polonia". 23 For this type of meeting, it was necessary to use cartographic sources which were not only familiarised with by the Polish guests but also copies of them were given or made for further analysis. It is characteristic, however, that in the figures depicting this event, there are no fortifications named according to the source mentioned, although the person of the Polish prince himself is accented (Figure 2). 24 Hence, the conclusion that Władysław's proposal was accepted only courteously, while in reality another solution was applied.
The arrival of Prince Władysław's entourage to the camp was eagerly exhibited by the creators of engravings presenting the siege of Breda. The greeting was always shown near Francisco Dada's rampage by the so-called German fortifications. This is where the meeting of Frans Hogenberg (Beleg van Breda door Spinola - Figure Figure 2C). 25 It is almost certain that these graphics have arrived, probably in more copies, at Władysław Waza or directly at the Warsaw court. 26 This is evidenced by the 23 Podróż królewicza Władysława…,. A similar description of visiting the fortifications: H. Hugo, Obsidio Bredana armis Philippi IV. auspiciis Isabellae duct Ambr. Spinolae perfecta, Antverpiae 1626, pp. 34-36. 24 This event was noted, among others, in the work of the Jesuit and military chaplain: H. Hugo, Obsidio Bredana…, pp. 34-35. The author identified the lunar eclipse with the arrival of the Prince and augurned him with great military deeds and the defeat of the Port of Otto ("crescent" symbol). The arrival of the Prince and the review of the fortifications was also highlighted in Pedro Calderón de la Barca's play El sitio de Berdá. W. Folkierski, Ślady podróży flandryjskiej królewicza Władysława (1624) w teatrze Calderona, "Pamiętnik Literacki" 1935, no. 32, pp. 113-116; S.A. Vosters, La rendición de Bredá en la literatura y el arte de España, London 1973, pp. 8-9, 28-29, 120 random people, which they were obliged to transfer onto copperplates. An important strategy of the publishers of maps was to send them to influential people or institutions with the hope of being rewarded. Niclaes Geelkerck received 48 guilders (28.8 guldens) from Bergen op Zoom and two pounds (13 and 1/3 guldens) from Middelburg for the 1622 siege plan of Bergen op Zoom. 28 The location of the figure of Prince Wladyslaw, as well as the information about this event constituting the description for the figure, undoubtedly prompted the publishers to send them to the Republic ( Figure 2). 29 Of course, there were still great cartographic projects concerning the fortifications and the sieges. The order of Archduchess Isabella Klara Habsburg for a drawing showing the Spanish triumph at Breda was unique. Jacques Callot was to receive 850 escudes (over 1,416 guldens) for his work. 30 However, 11 years later, the Dutch army reclaimed Breda -instead of paying out such huge sums of money, they only preferred to guarantee publishers to buy a certain number of copies. Yes Balthasar Florisz van Berckenrode received 336 guldens for 28 prints of the Breda siege in 1637 from the Dutch military budget (12 guldens each consisting of nine prints of 40 × 54 cm). 31 For comparison purposes, it should be noted that a typical design of an ordinary city plan cost about 200 guldens. 32 When the royal procession was approaching Breda, and the Spanish army greeted him with intense shelling of the city, the hustle was heard by a nobleman from Wielkopolska, Krzysztof Arciszewski, who was serving in the enemy Dutch 28 H. Helmers, Cartography, War Correspondence and News Publishing: The Early Career of Nicolaes van Geelkercken, 1610-1630, in: News Networks in Early Modern Europe, eds. J. Raymond, N. Moxham, Leiden-Boston 2016 The principle of reciprocity between rulers and magnates to whom the works were dedicated or given has not yet been explored. In the light of the general public's opinion, such a person should thank in a material way for the honour he has done. However, these did not have to be significant sums. It is worth noting that 10 Polish zloty was paid in the court accounts for 1612. "Cudzoziemcowi, który wiersze niemieckie JK Mci dedicował" see the Jagiellonian University Library, Berol. Ms. Slaver. Fol. 5, k. 29. 30 The payment was to be made in 10 instalments, but Spinola paid Callot an advance of 550 escudes. S. Zurawski,New Sources…,p. 623. 31 It is worth noting that a similar form of purchase was made by Jan Zamoyski. He sent J. Lauro 300 florins with the obligation to provide 100 copies of engravings showing the siege of Wolmar and Felin each. J.A. Chrościcki, Sztuka i polityka: funkcje propagandowe sztuki w epoce Wazów 1587-1668, Warszawa 1983, p. 85. 32 300 guilders (or 180 guldens) were given to Niclaes Geelkerck by the city council of Aachen for preparing the town plan in 1610. This was equivalent to the annual salary of a military engineer in the second quarter of the 17th century. E. Swart,"Qualifications,knowledge and courage"…, army. He was the son of the Arian activist Eliasz from Śmigiel. 33 He was educated in Śmigiel and then studied at the University of Frankfurt (Oder) (1608). He was in the circle of Krzysztof Radziwiłł's servants and during the war in Inflants in 1622 he was used by the Field Hetman of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania for intelligence activities. 34 At that time, he had to have had his first serious contact with military cartography, because the activity entrusted to him consisted of collecting all information about the enemy's actions 35 . This concerned in particular the fortification activities at Livonian castles and the possible establishment of new fortifications. 36 We know that in July a map showing the siege of Mittawa by the Swedish army was created. 37 After the murder of Kasper Jaruzel Brzeźnicki, Arciszewski was sentenced to outlaw, which forced him to emigrate. He decided to go to the United Provinces. There, as a client of Krzysztof Radziwiłł (from whom he was paid), he studied engineering and artillery, but also served in the Dutch army or the Dutch West India Company. He was sharing many very reliable and substantive war tactics with the magnate, an important aspect of them are the maps attached to the letters, which were to illustrate the events described. This practice was known among Polish and Lithuanian elites, for example; the battle plan was requested by Anna Wazówna Jan Karol Chodkiewicz in 1605. 38  Radziwiłł, undoubtedly, it had to reach Jan Karol Chodkiewicz as well. 39 Six years later, Krzysztof Radziwiłł passed on a letter to the field writer of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, who was going to Warsaw -in this letter he was describing the siege at Mittawa (a map or a counter-context of the siege of Nitawa, the location of our and the Swedish camps, gallows and forests, rivers and fields). 40 In a letter dated 12 January 1625. Krzysztof Arciszewski characterizes the actions of the Spanish army besieging Breda. He then presents the decision of the Dutch to station at the camp at Roosendaal during the winter season, which was the reason they hoped to cut off Ambrogio Spinola's army from supply. 41 In addition to the descriptive information, Arciszewski also sends a plan to siege Breda. To show you the way of this siege, I'm sending out maps, from which your princely majesty will easily understand. The last works concerned the heap the dyke, which is supposed to stop the water so that the enemy camp is flooded, but Spinola [the Spanish] is also piling up the second dyke opposite. 42 Thus, the field hetman of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania received a cartographic source which presented the most innovative siege of the world at that time. I exclude Arciszewski from making such a map himself. There was no such need, due to the prevalence of existing cartographic sources.
What map could Krzysztof Arciszewski have sent? The siege of Breda resulted in many graphics and paintings. Nowadays, the most famous are those that were created several years after the event 43 . This is due to the fact that after the victorious siege, beautifully finished, usually large, often coloured maps were issued for propaganda purposes. 44 The most famous images are of course the map of Joan Bleau and Jacques Callot -but they only show the final phase of the siege. 45 Also during siege operations, maps and handwritten plans were often transferred to copperplates. That is why Arciszewski did not have to possess maps and manuscript plans, but rather bought (received or possibly drew) engravings made at the turn of 1624 and 1625. 46 It should be noted that the mechanism of drawing maps and plans was not a rare situation. For example, Józef Naronowicz-Naroński drew the siege of Breda in 1637. The model was a drawing by Claes Janszoon Visscher (II) entitled Belegering en verovering van Breda. 47 The necessity to use the latest available works resulted from continuous fortification and hydro-engineering activities, cartographic works quickly became obsolete, as Arciszewski stated himself. 48 That is why I don't think that the plan can omit the details noted in the correspondence (especially the dykes that are buried). Therefore, I believe that Krzysztof Arciszewski used Jacob van der Heyden's engraving or its drawing archetype (see Figure 3). 49 The publication was published in January 1625 in the form of an ephemeral print. On a single card at the top there are graphics, while at the bottom there is a description of the siege ended on December 25, 1624. In the upper left corner of the engraving there is the arrival of the Polish prince Władysław Waza, which was also noted in his letter to Prince Radziwiłł by Krzysztof Arciszewski ( Figure 2B). In the lower right corner, on the other hand, the camp of Maurice of Orange was presented, which arrived with the army in the area around Breda at the end of September, and there 45 See S. Zurawski,New Sources…, Arciszewski was eager to use leaflets and newspapers published in the Netherlands to provide information. For example: "Oh Prince His Majesty our Polish, the evil ones were here to spread the news, now others are printing". K. Arciszewski  is also a bottleneck which the Spaniards created to protect themselves from the approaching relief, as detailed in the letter. 50 Arciszewski, in addition to the plans of a Breda siege, in April, also sent a smaller scale map showing the operational activities carried out by the Spanish and Dutch armies to the prince. Due to changes in the location of the camps, I am sending a map of the Breda area with all distances and well noted places. This way, if anything comes to the Duke's ears, You will easily find a new camp site and also find out how the Dutch want to sink the Spanish camp. 51 The correspond-50 K. Arciszewski to K. Radziwiłła, Haga 12 I 1625, 1625 Archiwum Główne Akt Dawnych,Archiwum Radziwiłłów,dz. V,no. 190,p. 49: 'we heard a salvo from the cannons, from muskets, as the king of the JM of our Polish Spinol in the army he greeted the camp'; 'the camp was formed.
In which we stood three Sundays, the army did nothing on both sides (...). The enemy spoiled our impetus with water, which he sank the field between himself and us by digging a dyke, and in that place where the water from us didn't flood the fortification". 51 K. Arciszewski to K. Radziwiłła, Haga 8 IV 1625 Archiwum Główne Akt Dawnych, Archiwum Radziwiłłów, dz. V, sygn. 190, p. 58. ence shows integrated spatial thinking combining tactical maps with medium and large-scale maps. The title of the work is not given. However, if we take into account the fragment in which the author writes that on the sent map there are recorded distances between cities, it is likely that the archetype or the drawing of Baronye van Breda Niclaes Geelkercken itself is mentioned (Figure 4). 52 This belief is also confirmed by the fact that Geelkerck was personally present at the siege of Breda, and this map was ordered for the Dutch army. 53 So Arciszewski had easy access to it. Krzysztof Arciszewski's correspondence is a perfect illustration of the phenomenon described by Helmer Helmers. He noted that the engravings combined with the situational description of warfare enabled the European public to observe the ongoing wars -military manoeuvring operations, marches and fortification progress. The speed of information flow and the timeliness of the figures was very important for the recipients. 54. The title case of this article is also included here. It is characteristic because the recipient was Krzysztof Radziwiłł, the commander of the Lithuanian army, who lived in Birża -by 1,800 kilometres (counted by road line) from Breda. The differences should also be indicated. The distance and the lack of extensive mail meant that letters arrived after a very long time, often disappeared along the way. We know some information about sending and receiving letters concerning the war situation in the Netherlands. One of Hieronim Piestrzecki's shipments reached Jan Stanislaw Sapieha after 89 days. 55 Knowing that it was broadcast with Leuv, and received in Inflants, near the village of Walmojza (now Valle), we know that the average daily flow of information was about 23.6 km. 56 In turn, Krzysztof Arciszewski received the letter after 81 days, as a result of which the daily pace was about 24.7 km. 57 It should be assumed that, on average, the consignment arrived in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania from the Netherlands after 80 days and the average daily journey speed was about 24 km. This is not a high value, but it does not differ significantly from other mail items sent on postal lines. In the first half of the 17th century, the speed of postal correspondence from the nunciature in Warsaw to Rome was 40 km a day 54 H. Helmers, Cartography…, pp. 358-359. The author quotes an inscription from a graphic Afbeelding van Gulik naer't leven geconterfeyt, Amsterdam: Nicolaes van Geelkercken, in which the publisher informs that the source was created by hand. Thanks to this, as the inscription says, the reader is provided with great entertainment, without the danger of being shot. 55  in the summer, and in winter it fell to 32.8 km. 58 Of course, we also had extreme cases, the fastest correspondence arrived after 41 days, but there were more frequent perturbations along the way and then the parcel was received after 30, 43, 65 weeks, and sometimes even after about a year. 59 The described case of Krzysztof Arciszewski is an explanation of the phenomenon, not an exception. To illustrate this, it is worth quoting the sons of the Grand Hetman of Lithuania's Leo Sapieha studying in the Netherlands at the same time. During their studies in Cologne, Leuven and Brussels, Kazimierz Lew and Krzysztof Michał sent letters with detailed information about military events to their father and step-brother. 60 They described the situation in Breda with particular details, reporting on the fortification progress, ruses and military potential on both sides. They visited fortresses, ports and cities, and in Brussels they learned the basics of military engineering. The most exciting experience of the brothers was to observe the surrender of Breda. 61 They arrived in the Spanish camp the day before, so they witnessed all the ceremonies. When informing about this event, however, they emphasized that the: The fortifications of both sides are not described in the letter, because Spinola's confessor is about to publish a book or a Jesuit diary together with plans and dimensions, which we will send out immediately after publication. 62 The brothers obviously referred to the person of Herman Hugo,63  Returning to the cartographic materials collected by Lithuanian Field Hetman Krzysztof Radziwiłł, it should be emphasized that he had much more works on the sieges from the Netherlands than results from the correspondence with Krzysztof Arciszewski. This is indicated by the magnate's mobility inventory made on 15 July 1633, in which it was recorded: -Map Fourth, whith expressed siege of Bołdak, behind the hetmitage of Hendrych Fryderyk, the Aurasian graf from Nasan in 1629; -Map Fifth, which expresses the Balduk's 1629 occupation. 65 This source refers to the activities of the stadtholder Frederick Henryk Oranski (29 I 1584 -14 III 1647) during the siege of 's-Hertogenbosch (after Fr. Boisle-Duc, and after the Spanish Bolduque) in 1629. The author of the inventory used the titles of maps to paraphrase them into Polish. Therefore, it is almost certain that the first map given is a print entitled Buscoducum Obsessum a Frederico Henrico Pr. Auransiae Com. De Nassau etc. A°. 1629 (see Figure 6). It is worth mentioning that in Duke Radziwill's inventory -this object was listed in the category "different images and contexts" -and therefore it was a map glued and hung on the wall. 66 There is a chance that these maps could have been sent by Krzysztof Arciszewski before he sailed to Brazil in November 1629. We know that he participated in 1629 in the conquest of the La Rochelle fortress with the French army, and then served with Frederick Henry of Orange during the conquest of s-Hertogenbosch. 67 However, it is more likely that they were brought by Krzysztof's son, Janusz Radziwiłł, who at that time was peregrinating around Europe. 68 The siege of s-Hertogenbosch had a sentimental meaning for Krzysztof Radziwiłł, as he himself travelled around Europe and participated for three months in this siege in 1603. 69 His son went on a trip abroad at the age of 16 at the turn of 1628 and 1629. 70 Of course, the aim of the peregrination, in addition to studying and renewing the friendships made a quarter of a century earlier by his father, was also military education. 71 Janusz Radziwiłł arrived in the United Province, or rather Leiden, only 69 K. Radziwiłł do J. Radziwiłła, Hercegenbush 28 X 1603, Archiwum Główne Akt Dawnych,Archiwum Radziwiłłów,dz. IV,sygn. 297,p. 35;W. Sokołowski,Studia i peregrynacje…,p. 25. 70 H. Wisner, Lata szkolne Janusza Radziwiłła. Przyczynek do dziejów szkolnictwa kalwińskiego na Litwie w pierwszej połowie XVII wieku, "Odrodzenie i Reformacja w Polsce" 1969, no. 14, pp. 193-194;E. Kotłubaj, Życie Janusza Radziwiłła, Wilno-Witebsk 1859, pp. 23-24. 71 Departure plans were prepared much earlier. As early as 1625. Krzysztof Arciszewski recommended the Netherlands to his patron as an excellent area to learn about the latest military in April 1631 and stayed in the city until the end of 1632. 72 During this time he spent four months in military camps, first of all with Frederick Henry the Duke of Orange in Heusden but also under s'Hertogenbosch. 73 A detailed analysis of this journey goes beyond the scope of the article; however, it is worth emphasizing that Janusz Radziwiłł made large purchases of books, including many on military subjects. 74 It is very likely that he bought or received the siege drawings of the Dutch fortresses as a gift. This significantly increased the number of maps and plans of military activities in Western Europe existing in the Republic of Poland. 75 The frequency of importing purchased or copied maps and plans is confirmed by the information provided in the already analysed inventory of Krzysztof Radziwiłł. There is an inscription saying that there were numerous engravings coiled on a shaft in Lubcza Castle, which depicted various Gustaws' victories [Swedish -K.Ł.] and Dutch [Spanish and Dutch -K.Ł.] 76 Most of them were created or related to the war activities carried out in the 1720s, as it was noted that they were brought by Janusz Radziwiłł, who had recently returned from a trip. During his expedition, he drew 17 plans of siege himself. 77 There are many concepts. K. Arciszewski do K. Radziwiłłła, Haga 8 IV 1625, Archiwum Główne Akt Dawnych,Archiwum Radziwiłłów,dz. V,sygn. 190,p. 56: "Father[iżę]ciu J[ego] M[iłość] Janusz would have a wonderful memorial if he had come here on holiday, so that he could see such wonderful aramids and the fortified camps, which are so wonderful, one can hardly see through the life of one man. And there are ways in which who has money (and even more so when who has royal recommendations), that securissime can reorder the Spanish camp everywhere". 72 T.  2016, no. 2, pp. 40-52. similar descriptions in the magnate's inventories, this one is distinguished by the fact that the number of objects can be directly identified with a particular peregrination, it also contains a clarification of the subject matter (military), which is rare in this type of sources. In my opinion, this source gives the rationale about the number of maps and plans of a military nature the magnate could have brought from the journey.  (1587), the war in Inflants (1600-1611), the siege of Smolensk (1609Smolensk ( -1611. In all these conflicts, defending or conquering fortifications was a key element of the warfare. In the second decade of the 17th century, the strategy began to change and manoeuvring measures were introduced, involving the establishment of field fortifications (spurs), which limited the enemy's manoeuvrability. 78 The use of infantry and field fortifications intensified during the wars with Sweden conducted by the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (1621)(1622)(1625)(1626) and the Crown (1626)(1627)(1628)(1629). 79 The conflicts with Sweden were the direct cause of the search for the latest military knowledge in the Netherlands. In the context of the changes taking place, the analysis carried out allows to draw the following conclusions and research theses.
1. The key role in transferring new solutions and ways of warfare was, of course, played by soldiers, and above all officers and engineers recruited from 78 K. Łopatecki, Pierwszy poetycki traktat wojskowy z mapą -Jana Kunowskiego Odsiecz smoleńska. Wykorzystanie kartografii w działaniach operacyjnych (1616-1617), "Rocznik Lituanistyczny" 2018. The reforms were the reception of Russian solutions. During the reign of Vasyl Shuisky, he supported the Russian troops of the Swedish allied corps of James Pontus de la Gardie. Chief Prince Michał Skopin-Szujski carried out infantry reforms on the Dutch model. In order to stop the excellent Lithuanian-Polish driving, Krister Summ and Jakub de la Gardie proposed the construction of field fortifications ("warning signs"). В.В. Пенской, Попытка военнных реформ в Росссии начала XVII века, "Вопросы истории" 2003, no. 11, pp. 129-133. 79 Comp. Polskie tradycje wojskowe. Tradycje walk obronnych z najazdami Niemców, Krzyżaków, Szwedów, Turków i Tatarów, vol. 1, ed. J. Sikorski, Warszawa 1990, pp. 244-263;H. Wisner, Wojsko litewskie 1 połowy XVII wieku, part. 2, "Studia i Materiały do Historii Wojskowości" 1976, no. 20, p. 6; idem Wojsko litewskie 1 połowy XVII wieku, part 3, "Studia i Materiały do Historii Wojskowości" 1978, no. 21, pp. 136-140. other countries. 80 However, an important source of knowledge was the personal observation of the functioning of foreign armies by the Polish and Lithuanian nobility and magnates going abroad. The new way of "camp" education began at the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries. Since 1621 the Netherlands was once again covered by a warfare, so the area has become an excellent place to learn about practical military knowledge. 81 The main role in this was played by Prince Wladyslaw, who together with the whole procession dedicated three days (26-29 September 1624) to the sightseeing and analysis of the siege of Breda, which constituted the foundation and model for future peregrination expeditions. 82 It is worth noting that the 12-hour observation of the fortifications and military camps, which Władysław Waza performed, contributed to the change of the views on the nature of war rather than any specific military improvements however, it should not be underestimated. 83 On the other hand, magnates and nobles were often present in the camps for several months, hence the possibility of making in-depth observations and evaluation of new inventions and strategic and tactical solutions.
2. The maps and military plans which reached the Republic of Poland, either in manuscript or printed form, played an important role in transferring military knowledge from the Netherlands. In this article, I have indicated that the maps were imported or sent by people peregrinating or working abroad. I found out that a magnate returning from the journey alone could bring from a dozen to several dozen engravings, as well as his own drawings of the plans of sieges and 80 Of course the Netherlands was an ideal area for recruiting military engineers. It was recommended to accompany the young magnates. Yes, in 1626. Hieronim Piestrzecki staying in Leuven was commissioned by the Cracow castellan Jerzy Zbaraski to enlist two engineers. Everyone was offered a 1,000 Polish zloty annual salary, and several hundred Polish zloty as compensation for travel. This offer exceeded the standard wage in the Netherlands by far (see footnote 31 fortifications (the example of Janusz Radziwiłł). Books were also purchased which contained engravings of the siege and were intended to deepen the knowledge of the warfare (the example of the Sapieha brothers). The siege of Breda (1624-1625) and 's-Hertogenbosch (1629) were particularly often exposed. I have presented engravings, which were placed at the magnate and royal courts (il 3-6). These maps and plans showed the application of the most modern military engineering solutions -among others, construction of circumvallation and contravallation lines, hydro-engineering works. This led to the dissemination and appreciation of the field fortifications by the commanders of Polish and Lithuanian troops. 84 3. The article emphasizes the role in the dissemination of cartographic sources thanks to the foreign journey of Prince Władysław (1624-1625), observation of the condottiere of Krzysztof Arciszewski (1624Arciszewski ( -1629 and peregrination of the magnate's retinue of Janusz Radziwiłł (1628Radziwiłł ( -1633 and Kazimierz andKrzysztof Sapieha (1625-1629). It should be remembered, however, that these unitary messages are only a small part of the phenomenon, as the prevalence of education, foreign travel and military service in the Netherlands among the Polish-Lithuanian nobility and townspeople testifies to the scale of the phenomenon. 85 The engravings were relatively cheap and, above all, universally available, thus they started to be increasingly popular in the Republic of Poland. Presentations of contemporary sieges have entered the culture of the nobility, which is an obligatory element of knowledge. It was no coincidence that Stanisław Ciświcki received a series of tapestries in 1642 in Maksymilian van der Gucht's workshop, which 84 K. Arciszewski do K. Radziwiłła, Haga 12 VI 1625, Archiwum Główne Akt Dawnych, Archiwum Radziwiłłów, dz. V, sygn. 190, p. 61: 'We could not give Breda any relief by any means, he was equal to the enemy and the army, and he was so powerful in digging in behind the Dutch encroachment that we couldn't hurt him and a hundred thousand people from such wonderful trenches. 85 For example, R.T. Tomczak,Podróż młodego magnata…,pp. 133,[139][140], noted that in 1631 alone, seven Poles and seven Inflans and one Lithuanian enrolled at the University of Leiden, apart from Janusz Radziwill and his entourage (16 people). Out of 132 doctors practicing in Gdańsk, as many as 52 were after graduation in that city. In the years 1625-1626, six representatives of the Sapieha family studied in Leuven, 77 km away, and at the end of 1626, two representatives of the Wielkopolska magnateateate, Krzysztof and Łukasz Opaliński, enrolled at the university. In the first half of the 17th century, 110 citizens of the Republic of Poland studied at the university, including 80 representatives of senatorial families. S. Kot, Stosunki Polaków z Uniwersytetem Lowańskim (w 500 rocznicę otwarcia Uniwersytetu Lowańskiego), "Minerwa Polska" 1927, no. 1/3, pp. 215-216, 221. represented, among others, the siege of Breda (1624-1625), 's-Hertogenbosch (1629), La Rochelle (1629), Masstricht (1632) and additionally Smolensk (1634). 86 4. The 1720s saw the beginning of a phenomenon as the noble elites were able to participate, from a distance, in the war in the Netherlands. This was possible thanks to the newspapers and leaflets that were published on a massive scale in the United Provinces and neighbouring countries. Current information was given in the correspondence to which maps and plans were attached. This phenomenon was visible on the national ground as early as the beginning of the 17th century and concerned the chieftains and the royal court. The 1720s, on the other hand, are a breakthrough in cartographic observation of wars in Europe. 87 However, information from the Dutch-Spanish wars reached the Grand Duchy of Lithuania with a considerable 80-day delay. The average daily speed of mail sent was about 24 km.
5. The transfer of modern fortification patterns from the Netherlands to the Republic of Poland was fully implemented during the Smolensk siege in 1632-1634. At that time, both defenders (the Republic of Poland) and aggressors (the Moscow Tsar) applied the scheme developed in the 1720s in the Netherlands. 88 It was a phenomenon fully comprehensible by contemporaries. During the warfare aimed at liberating Smolensk from the Russian siege, Jakub Maximilian Fredro wrote: So, yesterday the king was just about to visit Smolensk, and all the bases, blockhouses, and entrenchments abandoned by the enemy. And it's not surprising, because it is confirmed by those who saw the siege of Breda and 's-Hertogenbosch that bigger and better work couldn't have been done by fortifications built and dug out, from which one another can go around Smolensk through dug ditches. 89 6. The dissemination in the Republic of Poland of the maps produced in the Netherlands has developed a new standard in military cartography, which has in particular been reflected in the plans for fortresses and possible siege operations. First of all, the space began to be mapped on a two-dimensional plane. A significant part of the military work created so far has been done diagonally (from the bird's eye view) or even in a perspective. In addition, the use of engineering and cartographic tools allowed for a partial replacement of normal re-focusing. This made it possible for cartography to develop uniquely in the Republic of Poland in the 1730s and 1840s, when Friedrich Getkant, Guillaume Le Vasseur de Beauplan and Jan Pleitner created their works. 90

The influence of maps and plans created in the 1620 in the Netherlands on the development of military concepts in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth Abstract
The article analyses the impact of maps and plans for military operations in the Netherlands in the 1620s on the modernisation and reform of the art of war in the Republic of Poland. The analysis showed that the source of tactical, operational and strategic knowledge were cartographic sources that reached the lands of the Republic. They were most often brought by people who left the Crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania to the West for education and work and then returned to their homeland. It was established that a typical magnate returning from the journey brought between a dozen and a few dozen or so engravings and his own drawings of the sieges and fortification plans. A common form was to provide maps for correspondence. Cartographic sources were supposed to help evaluate the military actions taken and allow the recipients to "keep an eye on" European conflicts.
Thanks to the journey of Prince Wladyslaw Vasa around Europe in the years 1624-1625, a pattern of taking "military science" was formed not only in universities but also in military camps in the Netherlands.